Lessons from Chaguaramas

July 09, 2001

Every avenue for people's expression must be encouraged and enhanced. Everyone should be heard. Full stop. That is the cornerstone of modern human existence. So there is nothing to condemn about Radio talk-shows except to say that some of what is expressed turns out to be uninformed opinion.

Like the woman who recently informed the listeners of 102 FM that Mr Keith Rowley's attempts to mobilise his constituents to march, protesting his indefinite suspension from Parliament and to force Mr Patrick Manning's recognition and acceptance of such tactics, were akin to CLR James' attempts to force Dr Eric Williams to march on Chaguaramas "for confrontation", she says, and to demand from the Americans the return of that piece of real estate to T&T.

The analogy is far-fetched to say the least. But there was no one to contest it far less these so-called broadcasters of today who do not seem to comprehend that theirs is a much privileged position from which we are supposed to expect reasoned judgment-calls, researched information and learned perspectives. There is absolutely nothing wrong about saying, "I do not know, give me time to check it out and get back", or that "I am unable to give an opinion on so and so at this moment, please allow me time to discuss it with those who may have the necessary information and I will get back to this topic later in the week."

That is wisdom. It beats nodding or mumbling in agreement when in fact you do not have a clue. We see and hear such all the time from these would-be radio broadcasters and morning-time TV hosts.

It is necessary to look at the Chaguaramas issue from the view of the main protagonists. Chaguaramas had become a national symbol precisely because it was the view of the PNM, and Williams had gone to Jamaica in 1958 to argue the case, that T&T be given the site for the Federal Capital of the West Indies and Chaguaramas, the Peninsula, was seen as the ideal given its aesthetics and the fact the Treaty with the Americans for their naval and military presence there was by then up for renewal. The general consensus in light of national aspirations was there would be no renewal. CLR James had this to say:

"Williams, in the drive for the return of Chaguaramas, made what I believe to be his finest speech: 'From Slavery to Chaguaramas.' The historical background, the sense of a new nationalism being perverted, the absence of superficial hostility... all this was the result not merely of an able personality but personality functioning in a sphere in which it could rise to great heights of vision and understanding, stimulated by a receptive and collaborating audience...

"... what created him (Williams) and sent him along a dangerous road was the response of the people of Trinidad and Tobago. They turned out in thousands and on Bandung (ie Third World Solidarity), Chaguaramas, morality in public affairs, a new society, a strong Federation, a development programme for the party, a daily paper, the people kept on saying: 'Doctor, that is fine, tell us some more.' Williams kept on telling them and they were always eager for more...

"... It is the people of Trinidad and Tobago who pushed Williams out on a limb, to the furthest end of it. He got into the habit of saying things, making proposals, that astonished and, I confess, at times frankly frightened me..." CLR then indicated if it were the people who pushed Williams beyond a point where he was unable or incapable of going, then certainly another cause of the impending collapse was the lack of help from the other West Indian politicians, Mr Manley included. CLR said: "In his fight for Chaguaramas, for West Indian Independence and his devotion to the idea of a strong federation, Williams not only did not have their help. They hated him for what he was doing..."

Strong words indeed, but we have to take CLR's words seriously because as secretary of the West Indian Federal Labour Party he would have had to interface and dialogue with these politicians on a regular basis between 1958-1960.

Now we shall have a look at what Dr Eric Williams had to say at this point about CLR's work and the tasks that lay before the Party. Williams addressed a Party Convention with the following:

"... Here, then, is the ammunition of the PNM in the war of West Indian Independence ­ a fundamentally sound party machine which needs complete overhaul, a stable and buoyant economy, a revolutionary inter-racial philosophy, a mass movement for political education which constitutes the best in modern West Indian democracy, and a vigorous, hard hitting party weekly newspaper which may not be first with the news of murders and pictures of sex orgies and striptease episodes, but which is certainly first with the analysis and interpretation of the news on independence, self-government, overseas bases, federal system of government, cultural achievements and aspirations, and the challenge to the Old World in every sphere...

"... The Nation today, under the able leadership of CLR James, has become the textbook of Independence. Week after week the people can see the West Indian Independence Movement in the stream of world politics, in the context of developments in India and Ghana, Venezuela and Cuba. Constitution Reform, Chaguaramas, Federation ­ it hits hard week after week, mercilessly exposing the issues, pitilessly excoriating the reactionaries..." That was Williams at the heights of his glory just before he collapsed.

Undoubtedly, CLR and Williams both helped to developed the case for Chaguaramas, encouraged and pushed by the people from below. They marched in the rain in 1960 singing: "Listen Uncle Sam we want back we land/take yuh rotten grapefruit and go" and prepared to march on Chaguaramas to confront the Americans on the issue, but instead they were merely led to march around the Queen's Park Savannah. That was the first sign of things to come.

Negotiations began with the Americans and when the outcome was announced in September 1960, the betrayal became quite clear. The Americans released only 21,000 acres of the land and agreed to hold the rest of the land for 17 more years. Of course there was the traditional sweetener of an aid package to the tune of US$1.1 million.

It was never revealed what forced Williams behind the scenes to so significantly change directions but from then on the die was cast and the rest is history in terms of our skewed development as a peripheral dependent, rather than inter-dependent, of American and international capitalism, translated as pragmatism.

In September 1977, the Americans handed over the rest of the land.

At the signing, Williams stood alone, the people were absent, distant and disinterested. What are the lessons for us today?